Fianna Fáil MEPS to Consider Undermining Michael McGrath and Ireland

Some in Fianna Fáil might consider that very poor behaviour.

BRUSSELS — It’s not easy being Ursula von der Leyen these days. The European Commission president, a woman who once glided through Brussels like a well-oiled Eurocrat in a pantsuit, is now facing something no Commission chief has endured in over a decade: a no-confidence vote. And all because of some texts with Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla.

The perils of modern governance. Once upon a time, political scandals involved bribes in brown envelopes or mistresses in hotel rooms. Now? A few too many heart emojis in a WhatsApp chat about vaccine procurement will get you cancelled.

The Motion of No Confidence (Or: How to Waste Everyone’s Time)

Next Thursday, the European Parliament will hold a vote that, let’s be honest, isn’t going to topple von der Leyen. The centrist majority that put her in power isn’t about to turn on her now, no matter how many secret Pfizer texts surface. But that doesn’t mean this isn’t deliciously awkward.

The motion was filed by Romanian right-winger Gheorghe Piperea, who had nothing better to do than collect 73 signatures for his motion, one more than the one-in-ten minimum threshold of MEPs (72) required to initiate the process. Gheorghe Piperea and his political party are notorious anti-vaxxers. Note to Piperea: The pandemic is over. Maybe focus on something current, like why Romania still can’t get its act together on rampant corruption.

Gheorghe Piperea MEP is a member of The Alliance for the Union of Romanians. The AUR party has a slogan that sounds like something stitched onto a pillow in a particularly aggressive fascist grandmother’s house: Family, Nation, Christian Faith, Freedom—the kind of wholesome, all-American (or, in this case, all-Romanian) values that make you want to salute the flag, hug a Bible, and shoot the nearest immigrant. The AUR has distinguished itself as a veritable all-you-can-eat buffet of anti-science conspiracy theories, homophobia, and antisemitism—because why settle for just one kind of bigotry when you can have the full set? In short, the AUR is what happens when nationalism, religion, and a deep suspicion of reality collide—a party that promises to take Romania back to a golden age that never actually existed, unless you count the Middle Ages, which, come to think of it, might be exactly what they’re going for.

Piperea’s got backing from right-wing and far-right MEPs—mostly Poland’s Law and Justice crew, Germany’s AfD (because of course), and a sprinkle of Marine Le Pen’s far-right French nationalists. Nothing says “credible opposition” like a coalition of Europe’s most inflammatory far-right populists.

How are Irish MEPS voting?

At least three of Ireland’s 13 MEPs, and of course, Sinn Féin, are voting with the mad and bad racists. Sinn Féin is an ethno-nationalist party that likes to vote in a very pro-Russian manner in the EU parliament, not all that dissimilar to Viktor Orban’s MEPS and other far-right MEPs. Sinn Féin usually votes with the ethno-nationalists in the EU parliament.

Sinn Féin is still flirting with Russia

Then there’s Independent Ireland’s Ciaran Mullooly, who’s voting to censure Von der Leyen because of her “personal style of management” (read: “She’s bossy”) and her recent Israel comments. But even he admits the whole thing is a “showpiece event”—political theatre for the folks back home. “It’s embarrassing for her and for us,” he sighed. “But hey, democracy!” Where else but in the EU Parliament can you witness MEPS being paraded around by a cabal of anti-vax, race-baiting buffoons, like prize heifers at the local agriculture show. Independent MEP Michael McNamara said he was undecided on how to vote. Surprisingly, McNamara has been the most underwhelming of Ireland’s new intake of MEPs.

“The Fine Gael delegation will be rejecting the motion of censure and supporting the continuation of the current commission, including Irish commissioner Michael McGrath,” Fine Gael MEPs Seán Kelly, Regina Doherty, Maria Walsh and Nina Carbery said in a joint statement. Nice of Fine Gael to give their full-throated support to Ireland’s Fianna Fáil commissioner. Which was more than what could be said from Fianna Fáil’s MEPs.

Fianna Fáil’s four MEPs, like principled rebels with a carefully calculated cause, voted against Ursula von der Leyen’s grand re-coronation last year—her stance on Israel and Gaza was just a bridge too far for their tender consciences. But oh, what’s this? When it came to rubber-stamping her commission team—which, lo and behold, includes their own man Michael McGrath—suddenly they were all in favour. Funny how party loyalty smooths over those pesky moral quandaries, isn’t it?

Barry Cowen, never one to let consistency get in the way of a good yarn, says it’s “highly unlikely” they’ll change their tune this time around. Translation: We’ll pretend to agonise, then do exactly what we did before. They’ll “finalise their position” on Monday, which, given their track record, means they’ll muster something just shy of full support. Call it a lukewarm endorsement, or perhaps grudging acquiescence—the political equivalent of ordering the salad when you really want the steak.

Will Von Der Leyen and the commission survive? (Spoiler: Yes.)

Von der Leyen isn’t going anywhere—the motion needs a two-thirds majority, and her centre-left and centre-right coalition isn’t ready to blow up the commission yet. But this vote still matters. Symbolism, my dear reader. If Von Der Leyen were to be censured, then she, along with all her commissioners, would have to resign en masse. This is the first censure motion in 11 years to make it to a vote. The last one, against Jean-Claude Juncker in 2014 (over Lux Leaks tax shenanigans), flopped. And back in 1999, Jacques Santer’s entire Commission quit before the Parliament could sack them over corruption allegations.

The Political Fallout of Fianna Fáil MEPs undermining Von Der Leyen—and McGrath? The symbolism is stark: If Fianna Fáil MEPs vote to censure Ursula von der Leyen in the European Parliament, while Ireland’s EU Commissioner, Michael McGrath, sits just feet away, bound by loyalty to her Commission. The message to Irish voters may be one of defiance, but the damage to Ireland’s influence—and McGrath’s credibility—would be severe. This isn’t just about a headline. On July 16, the European Commission will unveil its draft post-2027 EU budget and CAP reforms—two critical issues for Ireland. At the same time, Ireland is preparing for its 2026 EU presidency, a key moment for Micheál Martin, who will likely still be Taoiseach. Yet instead of shoring up Ireland’s negotiating position, Fianna Fáil’s MEPs are risking it all for a fleeting win that most people in Ireland will care little for.

If McGrath’s party is seen sabotaging Von der Leyen, his ability to secure concessions for Ireland—on agriculture, funding, or economic flexibility—will be weakened. Other EU states will take note, and Ireland’s leverage in Brussels could crumble just when it’s needed most.

So what does Micheál Martin make of this? Publicly, he may downplay it as MEPs exercising rogue independence. Privately, he will be furious. Because if Fianna Fáil can’t keep its European strategy coherent, Ireland—and McGrath—will pay the price, and Micheál Martin’s European Presidency will be irrelevant.